Diagnostic Instruments & Surgical Authority

On 29 October 1839 the Bankruptcy Register listed John Harrison Curtis as a “bookseller.” By 1841, Curtis lost his patrons and his career was pretty much in shambles and his Dispensary was sold to the aurist William Harvey (b.1847).

The invention of the cephaloscope and the publication of his treatise on the instrument were aimed as an approach for him to revive his career. In 1842, Curtis wrote a letter to Sir Robert Peel (1788-1850), a former patient of his who he appealed for assistance. In the letter, Curtis refers to his On the Cephaloscope (1842) as evidence enough for his merits for an appointment to Queen Victoria’s household as Surgeon-Aural surgeon-in-Ordinary.

But the treatise itself doesn’t spend much time discussing the merits of the instrument—most of the book is spent outlining the basic physiology and anatomy of the ear, the cranium, and the organs of the voice, explaining that the details are “absolutely necessary in order [for] the proper application of the instrument.”[i] In the chapter on the cephaloscope, Curtis spends little time actually discussing the merits of his instrument in practice, or providing extended cases studies of its application. But these details seem relevant, if not required, for Curtis to his credibility to other aurists. In particular, his long explanation of the augmentation of sound seems superfluous, but it appears to be central for his explanation of the design of his instruments.

The fact that Curtis used an instrument—as opposed to another “miraculous cure” or nostrum or surgical procedure—to extend his authority is noteworthy. It reveals much into the embodiment of medical and surgical authority within material objects and how instruments can be used as rhetorical devices. The cephaloscope, above all, was more of a symbol of orthodoxy for Curtis; as historian John Harley Warner points out, instruments that were presented as symbols of unity were means for preserving confidence at times of severe professional dislocation. Movements towards a more unified specialty based on Parisan pathological anatomy and diagnosis, became crucial epistemological and rhetorical shifts for aurists; by appealing to notions of “science” and “professional” they were in fact redefining the boundaries between the newer type of aurists like Toynbee, and those like Curtis who held on to their passive practices. Diagnostic instruments in aural surgery thus rested not on some abstract notions of what constituted as evidence for aurists, but rather on how authority could be asserted through material objects.[ii] These instruments served more than the mark of a surgeon. They were a symbol of the aurist’s skills and his judgment, considered to be more valuable to the public than a diploma or certificate, which could easily be forged.

The durability of any diagnostic instrument rested on a practitioners’ power to correlate what was heard or observed, with specific disease symptoms. The stethoscope for instance, not only unified the medical profession and transformed the patient-practitioner relationship, but it popularized a new skill for diagnosis—auscultation—which required the practitioner to make use of his auditory senses. Of course, the practitioner had to be trained for such a skill.[iii] Curtis hoped to do the same for aurists: since diagnostic instruments in aural surgery were long plagued with the problem of limited examination due to insufficient light source, he argued the cephaloscope could remedy this limitation by appealing to the aurist’s other sense. Sounds could convey images of internal anatomy, revealing damages to the structure of the ear, blockages in the ear or Eustachian tubes, or evidence of lesions brought by other diseases. Moreover, the cephaloscope was a far safer diagnostic tool than the speculum, forceps, or even Eustachian catheter, all of which, if improperly used, could cause pain and suffering in the patient. The reticent state of British aural surgery in the 1840s, however, made it difficult to construct a profession unified by a material expression of its authority. Nearly all aurists agreed diagnosis was the key to improving the state of aural surgery and securing their authority as specialists; more precise instruments would allow them to forge their skills as diagnosticians, and thus, prescribe more effective medical or surgical treatments. But some aurists, like Toynbee, concentrated on dissection in order to improve their clinical understanding of ear diseases; others, like Wright, recommended language training as alternatives to surgical treatments.

 


[i] Curtis, On the Cephaloscope, 1.

[ii] Jennifer Stanton, “Introduction: On Theory and Practice,” in Innovations in Health and Medicine: Diffusion and Resistance in the Twentieth Century, ed. Jennifer Stanton (London & New York: Routledge, 2002).

[iii] W.F. Bynum and Roy Porter (eds), Medicine and the Five Senses (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993).


Yes, this is me.

Yes, this is me.

everyday, all day, the poor desk is neglected


Visuals & Representations

Oh. It’s really been a while.

I didn’t think teaching and writing and conferencing would take up so much of my time.

I was prepping for next week’s lecture, on Darwin in Caricature and was reminded of my first post for Giant’s Shoulders, posted almost exactly a year ago, on Visuals and Representations in the History of Science. It’s perhaps fitting that the graduate journal, Spontaneous Generations: A Journal in the History and Philosophy of Science and Technology just issued a new call for papers:

Spontaneous Generations Call for Papers for Volume 6: Visual Representation and Science

Spontaneous Generations is an open, online, peer-reviewed academic journal published by graduate students at the Institute for the History and Philosophy of Science and Technology at the University of Toronto.

Spontaneous Generations publishes high quality, peer-reviewed articles on any topic in the history and philosophy of science. For our general peer-reviewed section, we welcome submissions of full-length research papers on all HPS-related subjects. Scholars in all disciplines, including but not limited to HPS, STS, History, Philosophy, Women’s Studies, Sociology, Anthropology, and Religious Studies are welcome to submit to our sixth (2012) issue. Papers from all historical periods are welcome.

In addition to full-length peer-reviewed research papers, Spontaneous Generations publishes opinion essays, book reviews, and a focused discussion section consisting of short peer-reviewed and invited articles devoted to a particular theme. This year’s focus is “Visual Representation and Science.”

Submission Guidelines The journal consists of four sections:

1. The focused discussion section, this year devoted to “Visual Representation and Science” (see below). (1000-3000 words recommended.)
2. A peer-reviewed section of research papers on any topics in the fields of HPS and STS. (5000-8000 words recommended.)
3. A book review section for books published in the last 5 years. (Up to 1000 words.)
4. An opinions section that may include a commentary on or a response to current concerns, trends, and issues in HPS. (Up to 500 words.)

1. Submissions should be sent no later than 24 February 2012 in order to be considered for the 2012 issue. For more details, please visit the journal homepage at http://spontaneousgenerations.library.utoronto.ca/

Focused Discussion Topic: Visual Representation and Science

How do scientists use visual representations? A cursory examination of scientific practice suggests that images are used extensively; from textbooks to lab books, from private notes to public lectures, images are often researchers’ and educators’ favorite tool in understanding and explaining the objects of their inquiry.

However, it is only recently, with scholars’ turn towards examining scientific practice, that the cognitive and social implications of scientific imagery have come under investigation. Historians, philosophers, and sociologists of science have begun to ask how scientists use visual techniques to assist in their reasoning, embody their theories, frame and control debates, and convince their publics. From adaptive landscapes to Cayley graphs, from drawings of early hominids to medical imaging, the pictures that scientists use every day to illustrate, deduce, and understand have come under investigation.

In this issue of Spontaneous Generations, we invite papers for a focused discussion that will explore and give new perspectives on the relationship between science and its visual representations, from antiquity to the present.

Some questions that may be addressed by papers submitted for the focused discussion section include, but are not limited to:

- What are the role(s) of visualizations in scientific practice?

- How should we understand the relationship between schematic images and the complex, natural objects they represent?

- What validity should be ascribed to scientific mental pictures and/or thought experiments?

- How do images reflect and influence scientific values? How do images affect the content of science?

- How have scientific representations contributed towards particular conceptions of the objects and theories of science?

- How have changing visual technologies affected scientific theory and practice?

- How have certain visualizations come to signify and embody specific scientific entities and theories?

- How should we understand the visual decisions taken in the design of scientific models, instruments and apparatus?

- Which factors determine how scientists visualize “invisible” entities, such as biological processes, subatomic particles, or chemical states?

- What is the epistemic status of visual models and simulations?

Please distribute freely. Apologies for cross-postings.


Ode to the Newly Appointed Aurist

AURIST! no sinecure in thine,
Millions on thee their hopes recline
In anxious expectations.
For if thy skill (and may it thrive!)
The R____’s patriot ear revive
Thou sav’st a sinking nation.

And wond’rous will thy nostrum prove,
If it the Royal ill remove—
All others have miscarried:
Address oblique, remonstrance plain,
petition urgent–but in vain–
His deafness all had parried.

The civic Aurists lately tried
Their skills, and all their art applied
With labour perserving;
But with “surprise and deep regret,”
They left their patient, in a pet,
Extremely hard of hearing.

Aurist! the fatal film remove!
And would’st thou claim thy master’s love,
And own him for thy debtor,
Instruct him how, and when, and what,
‘Tis fit a Prince should hear–if not,
The less he hears the better.

-Anonymous, 1817

 

An ode to John Harrison Curtis, appointed as Royal Aurist to the Prince Regent, later King George IV.


Peer Review is Peer Review

During the past two days I’ve received several emails and noticed a few Facebook posts about the David Publishing Company in Chicago, which offers a new academic journal (Philosophy Study) as a both print and on-line forum for publishing papers. For young scholars of course, this seems like a great opportunity to have papers published in journals that might be a bit more welcoming than the traditional ones run by societies.

I’m all for open access publishing (see: Spontaneous Generations), but I draw the line at journals that have no regard for peer reviews. Antonin Pribetic, lawyer and legal scholar, writes of his experiences with David Publishing, comparing it as a good “bait-and-switch:” we’ll publish your paper, it’s so great there’s no need for peer reviews…oh but don’t forget to pay us to have your paper published!

“We wish we could be your friends,” David Publishing tells us. But I have not time or patience for friends that try to scam me.

 



Quack Curers for the Deaf

During the 1830s, Alexander Turnbull (c.1794-1881), advertised a remedy he conjured, which he professed was capable of curing any cases of deafness not arising from organic disease. In particular, he advocated the use of veratria, a poisonous alkaloid obtained from the hellebore root, as an ointment applied to the external ear; the same treatment, along with other alkaloids from the Ranunculaceæ were also amongst several of his treatment options for deafness, gout, dropsy, rheumatism, and affections of the heart.[1] Six pages of Turnbull’s 1837 A Treatise on Painful and Nervous Affections, and a New Mode of Treatment for Diseases of the Ear were devoted to the application of veratria to the external ear and parts joining the auricle. Terming his treatment as “electro-stimulation,” Turnbull claims

Feeling satisfied that I had in my possession means decidedly effective in promoting absorption through the medium of the nerves, and knowing that deafness often arose from the Eustachian tube being obstructed by enlarged tonsil glands, I applied veratria externally over these glands, and found it frequently succeed in removing their enlargement and restoring the hearing.[2]

Signing off with the initials “J.T.,” on 5 April 1839, Joseph Toynbee (1815-1866) wrote to the Lancet warning readers of “quack curers for the deaf” that were printed in London’s daily newspapers that week.[3] Toynbee’s issue with the advertisement was not whether Turnbull could differentiate between organic and non-organic causes of deafness—a claim that Toynbee doubted merited any truth—but rather, on Turnbull’s public declaration of his expertise through advertisement. “[H]e sends his advertisement to the public papers,” Toynbee wrote, “for an enormous payment gets it inserted as a paragraph…[and] by the aid of the circulation of this puff…deaf people consult Dr. Turnbull; he makes his application, and takes his fee.”[4] Toynbee insisted this was a disgraceful and underhanded maneuver directed towards drawing in patients, who were left vulnerable to potentially dangerous treatments: “Sir, almost every medical man must have heard of the most horrible effects sometimes produced by the application Dr. Turnbull uses…It must be apparent that Dr. Turnbull has no greater knowledge upon the diseases of the ear, than the ignorant whom I have before exposed by means of your pages.”[5]

Moreover, Toynbee argued if Turnbull was truly anxious with “relieving suffering humanity” as he professed in his advertisements, then why didn’t he “devote care, time, and trouble to the study of diseases of the ear? By this mean only can a man obtain information, and practising without that information must make a man appear, what he really is, a noxious hypocrite.”[6] By emphasizing a practitioner’s altruistic nature, advertisements proliferated by newspapers only disguised the skills of a practitioner, and in so doing, “tend to mislead and cheat the public;” thus,

as long as the public is as unwise as it now is, it is to be feared that there will be found Turnbulls, with applications; Cronins, Curtises, and hosts of others with ear drops; Blairs, with gout drops; Holloways, with double universal ointments; St. John Longs, with killing frictions; and all of them will gain their end by getting a living.[7]

NOTES


[1] Alexander Turnbull, On the Medical Properties of the Natural Order Ranunculaceæ: and more particularly on the uses of sabadilla seeds, delphinium staphisagria, and aconitum napellus, and their alcaloids veratria, sabadilline, delphinia, and aconitine (London: Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown, Greene, & Longman, 1835).

[2] Quoted in William Wilde, Practical Observations on Aural Surgery and the Nature and Treatment of Diseases of the Ear (London: John Churchill, 1853), 44.

[3] “Quack Curers for the Deaf,” The Lancet 32 (April 1839): 112-113.

[4] “Quack Curers for the Deaf,” The Lancet 32 (April 1839): 113.

[5] “Quack Curers for the Deaf,” The Lancet 32 (April 1839): 113.

[6] “Quack Curers for the Deaf,” The Lancet 32 (April 1839): 113.

[7] “Quack Curers for the Deaf,” The Lancet 32 (April 1839): 113.


The PhD Board: August ’11

It’s been a while, largely because for the longest time after moving, I didn’t have a desk. And  now that I finally have some wall space in front of my desk, it’s time to dig out the boards from my parent’s storage room. In the mean time, this tiny board will do.

Yes, I use two laptops while working. Like a boss.


Acoustic Instruments

I’ve pretty much been chained to my desk these days, struggling to write the most difficult chapter of my dissertation, which broadly focuses on the historiography of medical specialties and professionalization. The chapter also provides an analysis of how diagnostic instruments (and other medical technologies) served as a nexus for the crystallization of specialist medical identities in the case of aural surgery in early 19C London.

I’ll share some tidbits as I go along, but for the meantime, I ran across a quote by John Harrison Curtis, who, despite having earned a reputation for his acoustic instruments–particularly his hearing trumpet–became severely critical of the use of acoustic instruments as a replacement for surgical and medical treatments for ear diseases. That is, Curtis insisted the deaf population should not turn to instruments until all other medical means have been exhausted:

Acoustic instruments, like surgical operations, should always e the last things resorted to. Hundreds have permanently lost their hearing through using instruments, who might, by proper treatment adopted early, and adhered to, have been restored to the full possession of that important and valuable function.

…The constant use of any fixed acoustic instrument exhausted the energy of the auditory nerve, and will, sooner or later, lead to irremediable deafness, which no instrument can assist.

Advice to the Deaf (1841)


Chapter Four

‎15,154 words

121 footnotes

36 pages*

My draft of Chapter Four (the first chapter of the dissertation I’ve written– I don’t write sequentially) is done. Well, ‘nearly’ done because the last section requires another trip to London’s archives.

A bit excited that I’ve finished something.

Even though I already hate it and want to start over.

*without the last section and the conclusion. I imagine it’ll be over 50 pages once done.


Monday Series: Constructing the Naked (Social) Body V

CONCLUSIONS: CONSTRUCTING THE (NAKED) SOCIAL BODY

The Transparent Man stands upon a platform, looking upwards to the sky, his arm erected towards the air, as if he’s immersing himself in the light of the sun. He was first unveiled to the public in 1930, a proud recognition of the German hygiene movements. In his transparency, the Transparent Man signifies the progressive advancement of German bacteriology, anatomy, and general medicine; his vivid blood vessels traces the complicated and interwoven paths of the German cultural revivals and political ideologies, the frustrations and progressions of the elite and working classes, and the hope of a nation to resurrect itself to its former glory. In his openness, he also bears the mark of Nacktkultur, never hidden or exposed. Through his muscles, he shows his Herculean spirit, never forgotten, never ignored. He would teach his fellow Germans the necessity of proper hygiene rituals, and he would come to symbolize with growing pride, the advancement of German culture and exhibitions. Then the Nazis would come and tear the German nation again; but the Transparent Man will still remain, his arms proudly raised to the sky, basking into the ideology of licht, luft, sonne.


Follow

Get every new post delivered to your Inbox.